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A Must-Read Report, Another Reminder It’s Time to Build Something New in Central Appalachia

Tuesday, May 14th, 2013 - posted by brian

An updated and expanded report is a potent reminder that coal's decline isn't going away and policymakers should accept the challenges, just as many people already have. Click through to read the report's key findings.

The litany of voices pointing to the writing on the wall for the Central Appalachian coal industry continues to grow. They’re saying the same thing in almost every way imaginable, and have been for some time.

Watching coal production decline and demand shift as other energy sources out-compete coal domestically, it is vital that policymakers in Central Appalachia begin implementing policies and investments aimed at building a foundation for economic alternatives in coal-producing counties. A report released this morning by the consulting firm Downstream Strategies is a pretty good reminder why.

“The Continuing Decline in Demand for Central Appalachian Coal: Market and Regulatory Influences” expands on a January 2010 study and provides a detailed look at the challenges Central Appalachia faces, further making the case for the urgent need to act.

As the report’s lead author, Rory McIlmoil, who recently joined Appalachian Voices’ staff as energy policy director, points out:

Numerous factors influence demand for Central Appalachian coal, each of which has had — and will continue to have — a significant impact on the local economies where the coal is mined. In 2010, we recommended that state and local leaders take immediate steps to help diversify coalfield economies. To a large extent, that has not happened. However, it is vital that public officials begin making the political and financial investments necessary to build the foundation for new economic development opportunities in coal-producing counties.

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Clean Water Protection Act Introduced with 45 Cosponsors

Tuesday, May 7th, 2013 - posted by thom

Yesterday, Rep. Frank Pallone (D-NJ) and Rep. Dave Reichert (R-WA) introduced the Clean Water Protection Act in the 113th Congress with 45 original cosponsors.

The Clean Water Protection Act, H.R. 1837, is a bill in the U.S. House of Representatives which would sharply reduce mountaintop removal coal mining by making it illegal to dump mining waste into valleys and streams. To date, more than 2,000 miles of streams have been buried or severely polluted.

As the bill sponsors point out in their Dear Colleague letter to other members of Congress:

An EPA scientific study in 2008 shows that more than 63% of the streams sampled below mountaintop removal coal mining operations exhibited long-term impairments to aquatic organisms. In some large watersheds, more than half of the streams are impaired.

Last Congress, more than 130 representatives, from Kentucky to Hawaii, took a stand against mountaintop removal coal mining by cosponsoring the Clean Water Protection Act.

It is crucial that we carry over the momentum we built during the last Congress by having a large group of cosponsors. For your Representative to sign onto the bill, they need to hear from you.

Take action now and tell your Congressperson you expect their support of this important legislation.

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Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

The 113th session of the U.S. Senate began on Jan. 3, with the Democratic party gaining two seats as a result of the November election — only slightly increasing its majority control to 53. We take a look at the 10 central and southern Appalachian senators: Who represents us?

VIRGINIA

Tim Kaine

While serving as Virginia’s governor from 2006 through 2010, Kaine reached an ambitious goal to preserve more than 400,000 acres of open space and fund more than $1 billion in wastewater treatment projects to improve the health of the Chesapeake Bay. Although Kaine was supportive of a new coal-fired power plant in Virginia, he also led a charge to implement voluntary greenhouse gas reporting. The effort did not pass the legislature but is indicative of his long-standing support for cap and trade policies to address climate change. Following Sen. Jim Webb’s retirement prior to the last election cycle, Kaine secured a seat in the U.S. Senate in 2012.

Mark Warner

The senior senator from Virginia served as governor from 2002 through 2006 and was elected to the Senate in 2009. Typically possessing a strong environmental record including support of land conservation bills, the Democrat falters on issues of clean energy production and limiting pollution from fossil fuel power plants. Last year he voted for a measure to void the Mercury and Air Toxics Standards for power plants and against a bill that extended incentives for the development of wind energy. He also recently signed on to a letter urging the Obama administration to approve the Keystone XL pipeline.

WEST VIRGINIA

Joe Manchin

As governor of West Virginia, Joe Manchin sued the EPA for allegedly overstepping its authority regarding mountaintop removal permitting guidelines, an issue the courts are still debating. In 2010, the conservative Democrat won a special election to fill the seat of the late Sen. Robert Byrd, and in 2013, he became the Chair of the Energy Subcommittee on Public Lands, Forests, and Mining. His first bill in the Senate was yet another attempt to repeal the EPA’s veto power over mining permits. During the 112th Congress, Manchin received more contributions from the coal industry than anyone in the Senate, raking in $418,900, nearly three times the amount of the next highest recipient.

Jay Rockefeller

West Virginia’s senior senator is a moderate Democrat with a mixed record on environmental issues. In a 1970 gubernatorial race, Rockefeller proclaimed that the “strip mining of coal must be prohibited by law, completely and forever,” but his landslide loss prompted him to change positions. He reversed his stand so strongly that as a senator in 1999 he voted to exempt mountaintop removal from the Clean Water Act and environmental mining regulations. Recently, however, Rockefeller has criticized the industry’s “war on coal” rhetoric and called for diversification of his state’s economy. As he will not seek reelection in 2014, Rockefeller has a year and a half to close the gaps in his otherwise strong environmental legacy.

KENTUCKY

Mitch McConnell

The Senate Minority Leader has voted with fossil fuels at nearly every opportunity since joining the Senate in 1985. In 1999, he co-sponsored a bill to exempt mountaintop removal coal mining from the Clean Water Act. He and fellow Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul introduced the Mining Jobs Protection Act, a 2011 bill that would chip away at the EPA’s ability to veto coal mining permits. McConnell has received more total campaign money from the coal industry than any other member of Congress — more than $700,000 as of the 112th session. At the end of 2012, polls ranked McConnell as the least popular senator in Congress.

Rand Paul

The son of former presidential candidate Ron Paul, the junior Republican senator is a libertarian Tea Party member and a self-proclaimed “great friend to coal.” Paul advocates for an energy policy governed by the free market, and frequently claims there is a “war on coal” that enforces onerous environmental standards and stifles industry. A supporter of mountaintop removal coal mining, Paul once said, “I don’t think anybody’s going to be missing a hill or two here and there.” Last year, he introduced the misnamed Defense of Environment and Property Act, which would severely reduce protections under the Clean Water Act by narrowing the definition of “navigable waters.”

NORTH CAROLINA

Richard Burr

Originally elected to the Senate in 2005, this staunch Republican drew condemnation from environmental advocates and conservationists in 2011 when he introduced a bill to eliminate the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency by folding it into the Department of Energy. As a member of the Subcommittee on Energy, Natural Resources and Infrastructure, he has routinely voted to reduce regulation on the fossil fuel industry. Although Burr voted against the expansion of wilderness areas during the 111th Congress, he is a co-sponsor of the Land and Water Conservation Authorization and Funding Act of 2013, which would make permanent appropriations for conservation initiatives on existing federal lands.

Kay Hagan

A junior Democratic senator who joined the U.S. Senate in 2008, Hagan is an advocate for small businesses and military families, and serves on the senate committees that represent both interests. She has consistently voted in favor of funding for renewable technologies and energy efficiency. Hagan introduced the Community Parks Revitalization Act of 2012 and is a co-sponsor of a bill to restore funding to the Land and Water Conservation Fund. Shortly after the 2012 elections, Hagan joined other senators urging President Obama to approve the Keystone XL tar sands pipeline.

TENNESSEE

Lamar Alexander

A former governor, U.S. Secretary of Education, and presidential candidate, Sen. Alexander was first elected to the legislature in 2002. The veteran senator has served on the Committee on Environment and Public Works, was the ranking member of the Appropriations Committee’s Subcommittee on Energy and Water Development, and this year joined the Energy and Natural Resources Committee. Alexander has been criticized by the coal industry for his support of stricter controls on mercury and his opposition to mountaintop removal. In the 111th Congress, Sen. Alexander introduced the bipartisan Appalachia Restoration Act, a bill to prohibit valley fills from mountaintop removal operations, and held hearings on the issue. He strongly supports nuclear energy and is a fierce opponent of the development of wind energy.

Bob Corker

Tennessee’s junior Republican senator was first elected in 2006 after serving as the mayor of Chattanooga. Sen. Corker often speaks about energy in terms of security and favors a broad approach including wind, solar, nuclear, enhanced oil and gas production, and investment in research and development. In 2007, he supported an amendment increasing fuel efficiency and he supports biofuel alternatives to foreign oil. Sen. Corker opposes a federal Renewable Electricity Standard that doesn’t include nuclear or hydroelectric power, but supports tax incentives for renewable energy and energy efficiency.

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Posted in 2013 — Issue 2 (April/May), Appalachia's Political Landscape, The Appalachian Voice | No Comments »

A Return to the States

Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

By Appalachian Voices staff

State legislatures in Appalachia are using their authority on health care reform, taxes, education, and energy and environmental policy to accomplish their own agendas, and sometimes, to rebuke federal policies. Here is the latest from our region’s representation.

Virginia

As he prepares to leave office this fall, Gov. Bob McDonnell will have to justify a number of recent decisions, including a $64 annual tax on owners of hybrid vehicles that was added to a transportation funding plan. The governor’s long-time promise to establish Virginia as a “Green Jobs Zone” by incentivizing companies to create green jobs has not been met. He, along with Republican gubernatorial candidate Ken Cuccinelli and the state legislature, did little to improve Virginia’s voluntary renewable portfolio standard, which so far has benefited electric utilities more than Virginians, or to stimulate the clean energy sector.

In February, at the behest of Alpha Natural Resources, the Commonwealth Transportation Board approved a four-lane divided highway that will use mountaintop removal coal mining to flatten steep ridges in southwest Virginia along a route proposed by the coal company. The proposed route is under review by the Federal Highway Administration.

West Virginia

With the decline of domestic demand and coal production in central Appalachia, the West Virginia General Assembly has stepped up its attempts to prop up the industry. Controversial legislation to weaken water quality standards for selenium pollution unanimously passed the state House of Delegates shortly after Judiciary Chairman Tim Miley described the bill as “an important one for the coal industry.” If the bill becomes law, West Virginia regulatory agencies will attempt to disregard federal recommendations and set their own standards for how much selenium can be discharged from surface mines.

Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin’s administration has dodged promises to strengthen mine safety and enforcement, delaying action on critical measures including expanding training at coal-mining operations that violate state regulations, improving methane monitoring systems, setting coal dust standards and increasing fines for violations.

Kentucky

As the 2013 session comes to an end, the Kentucky General Assembly and Gov. Steve Beshear remain divided on a number of high-profile issues. In early March, however, Beshear signed a bill to promote biomass-generated electricity that was passed unanimously by the General Assembly. The governor is now considering whether to sign or veto a bill legalizing industrial hemp farming in Kentucky that passed in the final minutes of the session. Legislation introduced in January to enact a Renewable and Efficiency Portfolio Standard again failed to gain traction in the House of Delegates.

Speculation has begun over the class of likely candidates, including former U.S. Rep. Ben Chandler and Kentucky’s House Speaker Greg Stumbo, to replace the term-limited Beshear in 2015. Prospective candidates, including former Democratic state auditor Crit Luallen, are beginning to court coal miners. Luallen spoke to the United Mine Workers of America in late March, telling the crowd that “the first thing that we have to do is work with all our heart to protect the jobs that we have. Coal matters in Kentucky, and coal will matter in Kentucky as long as there is coal to be mined.”

North Carolina

Since 2013 began, pro-industry voices have dominated the North Carolina state legislature. With majorities in the House and Senate, the General Assembly and Gov. Pat McCrory have taken hard stances on unemployment, education, healthcare and energy issues. In January, the introduction of the Government Reorganization and Efficiency Act, a bill that would eliminate the members of several environmental and public commissions, created a groundswell of polarization and was called an “unprecedented power grab” by Democrats. The bill passed the Senate in less than 42 hours, but has been delayed after changes were made in the House.

The latest threats to North Carolina’s commitment to clean energy include bills in the House and Senate to repeal a 2007 law mandating utilities meet a modest percentage of demand with renewable sources — a backstep that lacks support primarily due to North Carolina’s rapidly expanding solar industry.

Tennessee

As recently as 2008, Democrats held the governorship and a majority of both the House and Senate, but in recent years the legislature has shifted dramatically to the right. Now in control of the governorship and a legislative supermajority, Republicans hold 97 of 132 seats across both chambers. Gov. Bill Haslam’s close ties to the oil industry have kept his administration’s regulations against fracking to a minimum and he has remained neutral on bipartisan legislation to ban mountaintop removal coal mining in the state.

Other legislative actions include a bill to transfer administration of the state’s Water Environmental Health Act from the Department of Environment and Conservation to the Department of Commerce and Insurance. This bill passed both House and Senate committees. Recently, Rep. Sheila Butt and Sen. Mike Bell introduced legislation that would make it illegal for Tennessee to implement or associate with anyone who is practicing “sustainable development.”

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Posted in 2013 — Issue 2 (April/May), Appalachia's Political Landscape, The Appalachian Voice | No Comments »

The Appalachian States of Energy Efficiency

Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

By Matt Grimley

Every year, the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy releases rankings on individual state’s energy efficiency performance. And every year, Appalachia is middling at best in saving energy.

The ACEEE’s State Energy Efficiency Scorecard examines everything from building codes to utility programs and policies to determine who takes the top spot. 2012’s top three states were Massachusetts, California and New York; the bottom three were West Virginia, North Dakota and Mississippi. Below we indicate our regional rankings based on the ACEEE 2012 report, followed by the increase or decrease in ranking from the 2011.

Good news, locally: since 2011, the states in Central and Southern Appalachia improved by an average of 0.875 spots. Better news: there’s always next year!

Georgia

#33 (+3) — In 2012, Georgia ranked second in the nation in annual growth of electricity consumption. To help combat that, the state utilities must file an integrated resource plan every three years that accounts for, but does not require, efficiency measures. The state also does not require its utilities to meet annual energy savings targets. In other news, last year the Georgia Nuclear Regulatory Commission approved the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle plant. Peachy!

Kentucky

#36 (+1) — With Gov. Steve Beshear’s seven-point strategic energy plan, Kentucky is calling for improving the efficiency of its homes, buildings, industries and transportation fleet to offset at least 18 percent of the state’s projected 2025 energy demand. Maybe the state could look at the nonprofit organization MACED and their How$Mart Kentucky program to see how on-bill financing (which helps residents pay for retrofits and save money on their electric bills) might expand?

North Carolina

Tied for #22 (+5) — The state’s Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Portfolio Standard has saved an estimated $577 million for the government and electric utilities since 2007. Recent state legislation was introduced seeking to repeal these standards. North Carolina has been a leader in the Southeast in efficiency — would N.C. Rep. Mike Hager, a former Duke Energy employee championing the bill, really want to undo that legacy?

Ohio

Tied for #22 (+2) — The Buckeye State passed a strong standard back in 2008 for its utilities to meet energy savings targets. Recently, an Ohio Senate panel began its five-year checkup of those rules. State Sen. Bill Seitz, who is leading the review and supported the standard in 2008, said the policy reminded him of “Joseph Stalin’s five-year plan.” At least we know which way he’s “Lenin.”

South Carolina

#40 (+6) — Duke Energy Carolinas wants to increase their electric rates for residential customers by 16.3 percent in South Carolina, in part to help pay for two new power plants, in part to not promote more energy savings programs. Luckily, in January, a law became effective in the state that requires builders of all new homes to adopt more efficient measures such as getting a third party to conduct air duct tests on the new abode. It’s a start for this warm-weather state, which suffers from massive energy demand peaks.

Tennessee

#32 (-2) — The Tennessee Valley Authority is meeting its annual energy savings goals, but budgets for the efficiency programs are lower than anticipated. In March, Pathway Lending announced that it lowered the interest rate of the Tennessee Energy Efficiency Loan Program to two percent. The program partners include the state of Tennessee and the U.S. Department of Energy. It has provided nearly $10 million in funding to more than 50 Tennessee businesses since 2010 in an effort to help businesses reduce operating costs and spur economic growth.

Virginia

#37 (-3) — ACEEE in a report found that aggressively pursuing all cost-effective efficiency measures today would supply 31 percent of Virginia’s energy needs in 2025. The state currently has a goal of a 10 percent reduction in energy use by 2022, and if they choose to, utilities can voluntarily, maybe, help out. Dominion Virginia Power, thank everything, chose to help with their very own efficiency Blogspot: e-conserve.blogspot.com. It updates every two weeks, so get ready.

West Virginia

#49 (-5) — West Virginia’s residential electric rates have risen more than 50 percent in the past five years. FirstEnergy Corp. isn’t helping. The utility wants to sell the Harrison Power Station to a West Virginia subsidiary, and Mountain State customers would fund the purchase through increased electric bills. The state legislature, however, will soon look at House Bill 2803 to encourage greater investment in energy savings and House Bill 2210 to set definite demands for energy demand reduction by state electric utilities. At least that close there’s a lot to gain.

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Williamson, W.Va.­ – A Gateway to Sustainability in Central Appalachia

Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

By Kate Cahow

Aerial view of downtown Williamson, W.Va.

The Coal House, built in 1933 from its namesake rock, sits in downtown Williamson, W.Va., in the heart of Appalachia’s coal mining region. It is home to the Tug County Chamber of Commerce.

Next door, construction of a high-tech “smart office” is underway in the lobby of the historic Mountaineer Hotel. The office will function as an incubator for sustainable design and construction projects in the region.

The incongruity of the buildings, one grounded in the past and the other looking to the future, encompasses the vision of Sustainable Williamson: to create replicable models of sustainability for economically distressed communities throughout Central Appalachia.

“Whether we’re recruiting renewable energy businesses, organizing farmers’ markets or developing 5K events through the local diabetes coalition, our goals for Sustainable Williamson are to diversify the region’s economy and build a healthier community,” says Darrin McCormick, mayor of Williamson.

Williamson is in a region with one of the nation’s highest early death rates, where childhood obesity is rampant and more than 30 percent of the residents live below the poverty line. Sustainable Williamson — a non-profit formed in 2010 by the city’s redevelopment authority — hopes to turn the tide by creating job opportunities, building sustainable community infrastructure and promoting health care initiatives. Projects include construction of a multi-million dollar community health center, upgrading school nutrition programs, plans for a recreation complex that will support local tourism, and career training for renewable-energy businesses such as the solar energy company in town.

“The smart office will play an important role in this effort,” says Eric Mathis, a Sustainable Williamson organizer and commissioner with the Williamson Redevelopment Authority. “The symbolic relationship between the house made of coal and the futuristic smart office is about friends working together in both buildings to create a healthy future for all.”

For more information, or to contribute to the smart office’s capital campaign, visit: sustainablewilliamson.org.

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America’s “Sadness Belt”: Appalachian States Worst in U.S. for Health and Happiness

Monday, March 25th, 2013 - posted by Melanie

Gallup and Healthways recently released their annual Well-Being Index for 2012, and Appalachia was found once again to be home to some of the least healthy and happy Americans. The most striking result of last year’s Well-Being Index is that while the happiest states are spread throughout the country, the lowest ranking states are all clustered in Central and Southern Appalachia, and the region’s neighboring states.

The Well-Being Index compiles surveys taken from all over the country all throughout the year and organizes them by state, community and congressional district. Participants are asked to evaluate their lives according to six categories:

- Life Evaluation: how a person’s current life compares with their expectations

- Emotional Health: deals with the respondent’s experiences and feelings on a given day

- Physical Health: encompasses diseases, physical pain, sick days, body-mass index, etc.

- Healthy Behavior: addresses both positive behaviors (e.g., exercise) and negative (e.g., smoking)

- Work Environment: questions for workers on job satisfaction, treatment from superiors, etc.

- Basic Access: includes access to food, housing, healthcare, etc.
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Lesson Learned: The Buffalo Creek Flood

Tuesday, February 26th, 2013 - posted by brian

Inspecting the Aftermath: Residents of Buffalo creek worried constantly about the stability of the slurry dams upstream. Nothing was done. Photo courtesy of West Virginia State Archives.

I woke up this morning to a frozen world. Fog and ice descended on the hills above Boone, N.C., last night and are still waiting around for the thaw. It was silent other than the periodic crack of a branch and the following echo that bounced around the hills. Stepping outside after reading Ken Ward Jr.’s remembrance of the Buffalo Creek Flood, I wondered if this stillness was similar to what the residents of communities in Logan County, W.Va., felt that morning 41 years ago today.

To contain the refuse of a coal preparation plant operated by Buffalo Mining Co., a series of three dams were built upstream from the communities along Buffalo Creek in the 1950s and 60s, as Logan County continued to grow into one of southern West Virginia’s prolific coal-producing counties. Dam No. 3, the largest, stood 60 feet above the pond and downstream dams below. When it gave way on the cold morning of Feb. 26, 1972, the others collapsed instantly.

The poor construction and regulation of coal waste impoundments that precipitated the Buffalo Creek Flood intensified during boom times when coal preparation plants used more water and produced more slurry just to keep up with coal production. As Jack Spadaro, a former superintendent at MSHA’s Mine Health and Safety Academy, told me for a story last year, “All along, as these dams were being built, they weren’t really constructed using any engineering methods. They were simply dumped, filled across the valley.”
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A Clearcut Connection Between Mountaintop Removal and Climate Change

Wednesday, February 20th, 2013 - posted by Melanie

Mountaintop Removal and other destructive land uses could turn the Southern Appalachians from a carbon sink to a carbon source in as little as 12 years.

Scientists from the universities of Kentucky and California recently released a study detailing the climate implications of coal extraction by mountaintop removal. If coal mining continues at its current pace, the authors predict the next 12 to 20 years will see Southern Appalachian forests switch from a net carbon sink to a net carbon source — meaning the area will emit more carbon than it takes in.

Consequently, ending mountaintop removal may have more environmental benefits than originally realized. The long-standing goals of mountaintop removal opponents have been to protect human lives, improve drinking water, and support ecosystem health. This new research shows that ending this destructive mining practice would also be a victory in the fight against climate change — and not just by moving away from dirty coal.
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Appalachian States Reconsider the Role of Coal Severance Taxes

Wednesday, February 13th, 2013 - posted by Jil

By Brian Sewell

Lawmakers in Central Appalachia are seeking legislative solutions to counter declining severance tax revenue after decades of natural resource extraction.

Although not all of the counties in coal-producing states in Appalachia have minable coal, they all benefit from severance taxes, which generate millions of dollars used to improve roads, build flood controls and extend and improve natural gas and electrical infrastructure. New proposals hope to provide coal-producing counties with a larger share of revenue and the means to maintain local services and fund future projects.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, severance tax collections in West Virginia for 2010 represented nearly nine percent of state revenue, with 88 percent coming from coal. The same year in Kentucky, severance taxes totaled three percent of all revenue, with 83 percent from coal production. Tennessee, Virginia and Ohio also levy severance taxes on natural resources, but rely less on extractive industries for public funds.

As the legislative session began, lawmakers in Kentucky wasted no time before introducing legislation to reform the way severance taxes are collected and distributed. Perry County Rep. Fitz Steele introduced a bill to require all that severance tax revenue go to coal-producing counties — half currently goes into Kentucky’s general fund.

The commonwealth also must prioritize projects already in the state budget. After reaching an all-time high in 2009, analysts predict that this year 27 of the 35 coal counties will not receive funding needed to complete projects that were already approved.

In Virginia, anticipating rising utility costs, House of Delegates member James Morefield announced he will introduce a bill to amend the state’s severance tax statute to focus funding on natural gas infrastructure that would include commercial and residential use.

By far the largest coal producer in the region, West Virginia has the most to gain from coal severance taxes. Recent legislative changes and rising natural gas production are predicted to offset declining coal production, keeping tax revenue relatively stable. But some groups believe the tax should be increased to create a permanent trust fund similar to those in states such as Wyoming, New Mexico and Alaska.

Increasing the severance tax on coal and natural gas by one percent could yield $5.7 billion dollars over the next 23 years, according to the West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy, a proponent of the West Virginia Future Fund.

If properly set up, the center says, “the fund itself becomes self-sustaining, even once the natural resources have been exhausted.”

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