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Posts Tagged ‘Kentucky’

Appalachian Residents Push for Clean Water Protections: Cabinet’s Agreed Order Challenged for Lack of Process, Inadequate Remedies

Friday, May 17th, 2013 - posted by eric

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Appalachian Voices * Kentuckians For The Commonwealth * Kentucky Riverkeeper * Waterkeeper Alliance

CONTACTS:
• Eric Chance, Appalachian Voices, 828-262-1500, eric@appvoices.org
• Pat Banks, Kentucky Riverkeeper, 859-200-7442, kyriverkeeper@eku.edu
• Peter Harrison, Waterkeeper Alliance, 828-582-0422, pharrison@waterkeeper.org
• Ted Withrow, Kentuckians For The Commonwealth, 606-784-6885 or 606-782-0998, tfwithrow@windstream.net

Frankfort Kentucky-Continuing their campaign to make sure Kentucky’s water is safe for everyone, several groups have challenged plans by the Beshear administration to let Frasure Creek Mining “off the hook” for repeated violations of the Clean Water Act.

Appalachian Voices, Waterkeeper Alliance, Kentuckians For The Commonwealth, Kentucky Riverkeeper and several individuals (the petitioners) asked the Franklin Circuit Court Thursday to vacate an Agreed Order signed in April by Environment and Energy Cabinet Secretary Len Peters that claims to resolve all recent water quality violations by the company.

They point out that the settlement “is inadequate to address Frasure Creek’s pollution problems and prevent such harms from occurring in the future.” They called the administration’s action “arbitrary and capricious, an abuse of discretion, contrary to law, and not supported by substantial evidence.”

“This settlement lets Frasure Creek off the hook for thousands of water quality violations,” explained Eric Chance, a water quality specialist with Appalachian Voices. “For years Frasure Creek had been submitting false monitoring reports. During that time they never reported any water quality problems. After we exposed these false reports, they began using more reputable labs and started showing hundreds of water quality violations every month.

“Over the past few years Frasure Creek’s water discharges haven’t really improved and I don’t expect there to be any improvements in the water coming off Frasure’s mines from this settlement,” Chance added.

“Clean water is not just a good idea. Clean water is critical to our health and well being,” said Pat Banks with Kentucky Riverkeeper. “We have learned that we cannot be complacent. The Clean Water Act enforces the notion that if companies are out of compliance and enforcement by the state fails, then citizens can and must step in to protect our waters. That’s what we are doing here.”

The petitioners also point out that they were granted full party status in the administrative enforcement case but were shut out of negotiations between the Cabinet and Frasure Creek that resulted in the final Agreed Order.

“The Cabinet has once again systematically excluded Kentucky citizens who are fighting to protect the water they use. After bringing Frasure Creek’s false reporting and pollution to the Cabinet’s attention, the Cabinet has tried, at every step, to sweep this matter under the rug and quickly settle with the company and exclude citizens from the process,” said Mary Cromer, with the Appalachian Citizens Law Center and one of the attorneys representing the petitioners. “We bring suit against the Cabinet for failing to do what’s necessary to ensure that Frasure Creek’s pollution is cleaned up and for excluding the citizens from their rightful roles as co-enforcers of the Clean Water Act.”

“We as citizens have the right to intervene and see and participate in this process,” explained Ted Withrow with Kentuckians For The Commonwealth. “Yet the Cabinet continues to ignore the law and shield another coal company from any meaningful enforcement. This Agreed Order was done behind closed doors shutting citizens out, even though we had full rights to be part of the process.”

BACKGROUND

In June 2011, the petitioners filed a 60-day Notice of Intent to Sue, documenting more than 2,800 violations of the Clean Water Act by Frasure Creek in the first three months of 2011. After conducting its own investigation, the Cabinet filed an internal administrative enforcement action alleging many of these same violations.

In November 2011, the petitioners were granted full intervention status.

However, the Cabinet conducted negotiations with Frasure Creek without notice to and participation by the intervenors, resulting in the Agreed Order signed by Peters. Kentucky law prohibits the entry of an Agreed Order without the consent of each and every full party to the Administrative Proceeding.

The violations in this case are similar to those in a 2010 lawsuit pending in Franklin Circuit Court, in that older case false reporting made it impossible to identify pollution problems like the ones at issue in this case. In the original lawsuit, the Cabinet filed an enforcement action against Frasure Creek in Franklin Circuit Court after the same petitioners made public thousands of Clean Water Act violations. In that case, the court granted the petitioners full intervention status. So in the 2011 case, the Cabinet took a different enforcement route to avoid public intervention. However, the administrative judge also granted full intervention status.

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A Must-Read Report, Another Reminder It’s Time to Build Something New in Central Appalachia

Tuesday, May 14th, 2013 - posted by brian

An updated and expanded report is a potent reminder that coal's decline isn't going away and policymakers should accept the challenges, just as many people already have. Click through to read the report's key findings.

The litany of voices pointing to the writing on the wall for the Central Appalachian coal industry continues to grow. They’re saying the same thing in almost every way imaginable, and have been for some time.

Watching coal production decline and demand shift as other energy sources out-compete coal domestically, it is vital that policymakers in Central Appalachia begin implementing policies and investments aimed at building a foundation for economic alternatives in coal-producing counties. A report released this morning by the consulting firm Downstream Strategies is a pretty good reminder why.

“The Continuing Decline in Demand for Central Appalachian Coal: Market and Regulatory Influences” expands on a January 2010 study and provides a detailed look at the challenges Central Appalachia faces, further making the case for the urgent need to act.

As the report’s lead author, Rory McIlmoil, who recently joined Appalachian Voices’ staff as energy policy director, points out:

Numerous factors influence demand for Central Appalachian coal, each of which has had — and will continue to have — a significant impact on the local economies where the coal is mined. In 2010, we recommended that state and local leaders take immediate steps to help diversify coalfield economies. To a large extent, that has not happened. However, it is vital that public officials begin making the political and financial investments necessary to build the foundation for new economic development opportunities in coal-producing counties.

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Tending to Appalachia’s Bright Future

Tuesday, May 14th, 2013 - posted by Cat

A word cloud created from workshops and panel sessions at the conference show the prevalence of positive thinking and themes. Courtesy of Kentuckians for the Commonwealth

I had never been to Harlan County. Sure, I’ve heard the songs, seen the movie, and know the stories, but nothing compares to being there, driving the Kentucky back roads, stopping in local shops, talking to folks.

It’s beautiful country, especially in April with the redbuds blooming and the bright greens of spring blushing up the mountainsides. It’s a friendly place – people went out of their way to make me feel welcome.

It also has more than its share of economic troubles. This is coal country, after all, where big companies haul out the black rock and most of the profits along with it. Harlan County and most of the surrounding counties have a poverty rate in the range of 20 to 28 percent.

This is not news to people living here. They know it, they live it, and they are looking at a million different ways to change it, to create Appalachia’s Bright Future. This was the name of the three-day conference in Harlan, hosted by Kentuckians for the Commonwealth a few weeks ago. It brought together more than 200 people from eastern Kentucky and beyond for an extended conversation about creating a just economy in the region. There was much discussion about what that even means, and while attendees each had a slight variation, several common themes emerged:

1. There is no silver bullet. There is no single industry or company that will turn it all around. Which is a good thing, most agreed, because a root cause of the region’s woes is being too dependent for too long on one industry.

2. There is no magic wand. No one is going to come in “from the outside” to rescue Harlan, or the rest of Appalachia’s’ coal country.

3. It’s about “leadership in place.” The future lies in nurturing home-grown entrepreneurship. Unlike a generation or two ago, young people today want to stay here, and many people who moved away want to return. This profound sense of homeplace was evident throughout the conference.

4. It’s about community and resilience, improving the quality of life and opportunity for everyone, collaborating with neighbors down the street or two counties over so that all can benefit.

5. It’s also about honoring coal miners and their families, those who have sacrificed in untold ways to help build our nation and power our modern lives, who deserve all the opportunity and benefit of a “just economy” as well.
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Clean Water Protection Act Introduced with 45 Cosponsors

Tuesday, May 7th, 2013 - posted by thom

Yesterday, Rep. Frank Pallone (D-NJ) and Rep. Dave Reichert (R-WA) introduced the Clean Water Protection Act in the 113th Congress with 45 original cosponsors.

The Clean Water Protection Act, H.R. 1837, is a bill in the U.S. House of Representatives which would sharply reduce mountaintop removal coal mining by making it illegal to dump mining waste into valleys and streams. To date, more than 2,000 miles of streams have been buried or severely polluted.

As the bill sponsors point out in their Dear Colleague letter to other members of Congress:

An EPA scientific study in 2008 shows that more than 63% of the streams sampled below mountaintop removal coal mining operations exhibited long-term impairments to aquatic organisms. In some large watersheds, more than half of the streams are impaired.

Last Congress, more than 130 representatives, from Kentucky to Hawaii, took a stand against mountaintop removal coal mining by cosponsoring the Clean Water Protection Act.

It is crucial that we carry over the momentum we built during the last Congress by having a large group of cosponsors. For your Representative to sign onto the bill, they need to hear from you.

Take action now and tell your Congressperson you expect their support of this important legislation.

Kentucky’s Lab Certification- Is it strong enough?

Wednesday, May 1st, 2013 - posted by eric

Yesterday, Appalachian Voices submitted public comments on a proposed wastewater lab certification program in Kentucky. To discharge polluted water, coal companies must receive a permit under the Clean Water Act. This permit that requires companies to test wastewater and report the data to ensure it falls within the limits of the permit. In Kentucky, there are currently no standards for labs that do this type of testing.

The proposed certification program is a direct result of the lawsuits for falsified water monitoring data we filed against three of the state’s largest coal mining companies. Our investigation revealed that many coal companies were repeatedly submitting the same data and knowingly leaving out reports of any violations of their permits. After we filed these lawsuits, the Kentucky Energy and Environment Cabinet inspected the labs being used for this monitoring and found that in many cases they were not even capable of correctly performing the required tests.

This graph shows some of the inaccurate data submitted by Frasure Creek Mining before our lawsuits lead them to start using a new lab. Click to enlarge.

We believe that enforcing standards on labs used by coal companies will help ensure that labs report accurate data, and that the regulations meant to protect water and those that depend on it from dangerous pollution are effectively enforced. This proposed rule will be a big step forward and we have applauded the cabinet for its efforts to fix these problems. However, there are several weaknesses in the rule that we hope are fixed before it is finalized.

All too often the cabinet has failed to live up to its obligations to protect the people and environment in Kentucky. That is why our comments suggest that discretionary duties given to the cabinet in this rule be made mandatory. Appalachian Voices will continue to work to require the state agencies to actually enforce these standards.

>>Click here to see our comments
>>Click here to read the proposed lab certification rule
>>Click here to read the draft lab manual

Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

The 113th session of the U.S. Senate began on Jan. 3, with the Democratic party gaining two seats as a result of the November election — only slightly increasing its majority control to 53. We take a look at the 10 central and southern Appalachian senators: Who represents us?

VIRGINIA

Tim Kaine

While serving as Virginia’s governor from 2006 through 2010, Kaine reached an ambitious goal to preserve more than 400,000 acres of open space and fund more than $1 billion in wastewater treatment projects to improve the health of the Chesapeake Bay. Although Kaine was supportive of a new coal-fired power plant in Virginia, he also led a charge to implement voluntary greenhouse gas reporting. The effort did not pass the legislature but is indicative of his long-standing support for cap and trade policies to address climate change. Following Sen. Jim Webb’s retirement prior to the last election cycle, Kaine secured a seat in the U.S. Senate in 2012.

Mark Warner

The senior senator from Virginia served as governor from 2002 through 2006 and was elected to the Senate in 2009. Typically possessing a strong environmental record including support of land conservation bills, the Democrat falters on issues of clean energy production and limiting pollution from fossil fuel power plants. Last year he voted for a measure to void the Mercury and Air Toxics Standards for power plants and against a bill that extended incentives for the development of wind energy. He also recently signed on to a letter urging the Obama administration to approve the Keystone XL pipeline.

WEST VIRGINIA

Joe Manchin

As governor of West Virginia, Joe Manchin sued the EPA for allegedly overstepping its authority regarding mountaintop removal permitting guidelines, an issue the courts are still debating. In 2010, the conservative Democrat won a special election to fill the seat of the late Sen. Robert Byrd, and in 2013, he became the Chair of the Energy Subcommittee on Public Lands, Forests, and Mining. His first bill in the Senate was yet another attempt to repeal the EPA’s veto power over mining permits. During the 112th Congress, Manchin received more contributions from the coal industry than anyone in the Senate, raking in $418,900, nearly three times the amount of the next highest recipient.

Jay Rockefeller

West Virginia’s senior senator is a moderate Democrat with a mixed record on environmental issues. In a 1970 gubernatorial race, Rockefeller proclaimed that the “strip mining of coal must be prohibited by law, completely and forever,” but his landslide loss prompted him to change positions. He reversed his stand so strongly that as a senator in 1999 he voted to exempt mountaintop removal from the Clean Water Act and environmental mining regulations. Recently, however, Rockefeller has criticized the industry’s “war on coal” rhetoric and called for diversification of his state’s economy. As he will not seek reelection in 2014, Rockefeller has a year and a half to close the gaps in his otherwise strong environmental legacy.

KENTUCKY

Mitch McConnell

The Senate Minority Leader has voted with fossil fuels at nearly every opportunity since joining the Senate in 1985. In 1999, he co-sponsored a bill to exempt mountaintop removal coal mining from the Clean Water Act. He and fellow Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul introduced the Mining Jobs Protection Act, a 2011 bill that would chip away at the EPA’s ability to veto coal mining permits. McConnell has received more total campaign money from the coal industry than any other member of Congress — more than $700,000 as of the 112th session. At the end of 2012, polls ranked McConnell as the least popular senator in Congress.

Rand Paul

The son of former presidential candidate Ron Paul, the junior Republican senator is a libertarian Tea Party member and a self-proclaimed “great friend to coal.” Paul advocates for an energy policy governed by the free market, and frequently claims there is a “war on coal” that enforces onerous environmental standards and stifles industry. A supporter of mountaintop removal coal mining, Paul once said, “I don’t think anybody’s going to be missing a hill or two here and there.” Last year, he introduced the misnamed Defense of Environment and Property Act, which would severely reduce protections under the Clean Water Act by narrowing the definition of “navigable waters.”

NORTH CAROLINA

Richard Burr

Originally elected to the Senate in 2005, this staunch Republican drew condemnation from environmental advocates and conservationists in 2011 when he introduced a bill to eliminate the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency by folding it into the Department of Energy. As a member of the Subcommittee on Energy, Natural Resources and Infrastructure, he has routinely voted to reduce regulation on the fossil fuel industry. Although Burr voted against the expansion of wilderness areas during the 111th Congress, he is a co-sponsor of the Land and Water Conservation Authorization and Funding Act of 2013, which would make permanent appropriations for conservation initiatives on existing federal lands.

Kay Hagan

A junior Democratic senator who joined the U.S. Senate in 2008, Hagan is an advocate for small businesses and military families, and serves on the senate committees that represent both interests. She has consistently voted in favor of funding for renewable technologies and energy efficiency. Hagan introduced the Community Parks Revitalization Act of 2012 and is a co-sponsor of a bill to restore funding to the Land and Water Conservation Fund. Shortly after the 2012 elections, Hagan joined other senators urging President Obama to approve the Keystone XL tar sands pipeline.

TENNESSEE

Lamar Alexander

A former governor, U.S. Secretary of Education, and presidential candidate, Sen. Alexander was first elected to the legislature in 2002. The veteran senator has served on the Committee on Environment and Public Works, was the ranking member of the Appropriations Committee’s Subcommittee on Energy and Water Development, and this year joined the Energy and Natural Resources Committee. Alexander has been criticized by the coal industry for his support of stricter controls on mercury and his opposition to mountaintop removal. In the 111th Congress, Sen. Alexander introduced the bipartisan Appalachia Restoration Act, a bill to prohibit valley fills from mountaintop removal operations, and held hearings on the issue. He strongly supports nuclear energy and is a fierce opponent of the development of wind energy.

Bob Corker

Tennessee’s junior Republican senator was first elected in 2006 after serving as the mayor of Chattanooga. Sen. Corker often speaks about energy in terms of security and favors a broad approach including wind, solar, nuclear, enhanced oil and gas production, and investment in research and development. In 2007, he supported an amendment increasing fuel efficiency and he supports biofuel alternatives to foreign oil. Sen. Corker opposes a federal Renewable Electricity Standard that doesn’t include nuclear or hydroelectric power, but supports tax incentives for renewable energy and energy efficiency.

A Return to the States

Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

By Appalachian Voices staff

State legislatures in Appalachia are using their authority on health care reform, taxes, education, and energy and environmental policy to accomplish their own agendas, and sometimes, to rebuke federal policies. Here is the latest from our region’s representation.

Virginia

As he prepares to leave office this fall, Gov. Bob McDonnell will have to justify a number of recent decisions, including a $64 annual tax on owners of hybrid vehicles that was added to a transportation funding plan. The governor’s long-time promise to establish Virginia as a “Green Jobs Zone” by incentivizing companies to create green jobs has not been met. He, along with Republican gubernatorial candidate Ken Cuccinelli and the state legislature, did little to improve Virginia’s voluntary renewable portfolio standard, which so far has benefited electric utilities more than Virginians, or to stimulate the clean energy sector.

In February, at the behest of Alpha Natural Resources, the Commonwealth Transportation Board approved a four-lane divided highway that will use mountaintop removal coal mining to flatten steep ridges in southwest Virginia along a route proposed by the coal company. The proposed route is under review by the Federal Highway Administration.

West Virginia

With the decline of domestic demand and coal production in central Appalachia, the West Virginia General Assembly has stepped up its attempts to prop up the industry. Controversial legislation to weaken water quality standards for selenium pollution unanimously passed the state House of Delegates shortly after Judiciary Chairman Tim Miley described the bill as “an important one for the coal industry.” If the bill becomes law, West Virginia regulatory agencies will attempt to disregard federal recommendations and set their own standards for how much selenium can be discharged from surface mines.

Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin’s administration has dodged promises to strengthen mine safety and enforcement, delaying action on critical measures including expanding training at coal-mining operations that violate state regulations, improving methane monitoring systems, setting coal dust standards and increasing fines for violations.

Kentucky

As the 2013 session comes to an end, the Kentucky General Assembly and Gov. Steve Beshear remain divided on a number of high-profile issues. In early March, however, Beshear signed a bill to promote biomass-generated electricity that was passed unanimously by the General Assembly. The governor is now considering whether to sign or veto a bill legalizing industrial hemp farming in Kentucky that passed in the final minutes of the session. Legislation introduced in January to enact a Renewable and Efficiency Portfolio Standard again failed to gain traction in the House of Delegates.

Speculation has begun over the class of likely candidates, including former U.S. Rep. Ben Chandler and Kentucky’s House Speaker Greg Stumbo, to replace the term-limited Beshear in 2015. Prospective candidates, including former Democratic state auditor Crit Luallen, are beginning to court coal miners. Luallen spoke to the United Mine Workers of America in late March, telling the crowd that “the first thing that we have to do is work with all our heart to protect the jobs that we have. Coal matters in Kentucky, and coal will matter in Kentucky as long as there is coal to be mined.”

North Carolina

Since 2013 began, pro-industry voices have dominated the North Carolina state legislature. With majorities in the House and Senate, the General Assembly and Gov. Pat McCrory have taken hard stances on unemployment, education, healthcare and energy issues. In January, the introduction of the Government Reorganization and Efficiency Act, a bill that would eliminate the members of several environmental and public commissions, created a groundswell of polarization and was called an “unprecedented power grab” by Democrats. The bill passed the Senate in less than 42 hours, but has been delayed after changes were made in the House.

The latest threats to North Carolina’s commitment to clean energy include bills in the House and Senate to repeal a 2007 law mandating utilities meet a modest percentage of demand with renewable sources — a backstep that lacks support primarily due to North Carolina’s rapidly expanding solar industry.

Tennessee

As recently as 2008, Democrats held the governorship and a majority of both the House and Senate, but in recent years the legislature has shifted dramatically to the right. Now in control of the governorship and a legislative supermajority, Republicans hold 97 of 132 seats across both chambers. Gov. Bill Haslam’s close ties to the oil industry have kept his administration’s regulations against fracking to a minimum and he has remained neutral on bipartisan legislation to ban mountaintop removal coal mining in the state.

Other legislative actions include a bill to transfer administration of the state’s Water Environmental Health Act from the Department of Environment and Conservation to the Department of Commerce and Insurance. This bill passed both House and Senate committees. Recently, Rep. Sheila Butt and Sen. Mike Bell introduced legislation that would make it illegal for Tennessee to implement or associate with anyone who is practicing “sustainable development.”

The Appalachian States of Energy Efficiency

Tuesday, April 16th, 2013 - posted by Jil

By Matt Grimley

Every year, the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy releases rankings on individual state’s energy efficiency performance. And every year, Appalachia is middling at best in saving energy.

The ACEEE’s State Energy Efficiency Scorecard examines everything from building codes to utility programs and policies to determine who takes the top spot. 2012’s top three states were Massachusetts, California and New York; the bottom three were West Virginia, North Dakota and Mississippi. Below we indicate our regional rankings based on the ACEEE 2012 report, followed by the increase or decrease in ranking from the 2011.

Good news, locally: since 2011, the states in Central and Southern Appalachia improved by an average of 0.875 spots. Better news: there’s always next year!

Georgia

#33 (+3) — In 2012, Georgia ranked second in the nation in annual growth of electricity consumption. To help combat that, the state utilities must file an integrated resource plan every three years that accounts for, but does not require, efficiency measures. The state also does not require its utilities to meet annual energy savings targets. In other news, last year the Georgia Nuclear Regulatory Commission approved the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle plant. Peachy!

Kentucky

#36 (+1) — With Gov. Steve Beshear’s seven-point strategic energy plan, Kentucky is calling for improving the efficiency of its homes, buildings, industries and transportation fleet to offset at least 18 percent of the state’s projected 2025 energy demand. Maybe the state could look at the nonprofit organization MACED and their How$Mart Kentucky program to see how on-bill financing (which helps residents pay for retrofits and save money on their electric bills) might expand?

North Carolina

Tied for #22 (+5) — The state’s Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Portfolio Standard has saved an estimated $577 million for the government and electric utilities since 2007. Recent state legislation was introduced seeking to repeal these standards. North Carolina has been a leader in the Southeast in efficiency — would N.C. Rep. Mike Hager, a former Duke Energy employee championing the bill, really want to undo that legacy?

Ohio

Tied for #22 (+2) — The Buckeye State passed a strong standard back in 2008 for its utilities to meet energy savings targets. Recently, an Ohio Senate panel began its five-year checkup of those rules. State Sen. Bill Seitz, who is leading the review and supported the standard in 2008, said the policy reminded him of “Joseph Stalin’s five-year plan.” At least we know which way he’s “Lenin.”

South Carolina

#40 (+6) — Duke Energy Carolinas wants to increase their electric rates for residential customers by 16.3 percent in South Carolina, in part to help pay for two new power plants, in part to not promote more energy savings programs. Luckily, in January, a law became effective in the state that requires builders of all new homes to adopt more efficient measures such as getting a third party to conduct air duct tests on the new abode. It’s a start for this warm-weather state, which suffers from massive energy demand peaks.

Tennessee

#32 (-2) — The Tennessee Valley Authority is meeting its annual energy savings goals, but budgets for the efficiency programs are lower than anticipated. In March, Pathway Lending announced that it lowered the interest rate of the Tennessee Energy Efficiency Loan Program to two percent. The program partners include the state of Tennessee and the U.S. Department of Energy. It has provided nearly $10 million in funding to more than 50 Tennessee businesses since 2010 in an effort to help businesses reduce operating costs and spur economic growth.

Virginia

#37 (-3) — ACEEE in a report found that aggressively pursuing all cost-effective efficiency measures today would supply 31 percent of Virginia’s energy needs in 2025. The state currently has a goal of a 10 percent reduction in energy use by 2022, and if they choose to, utilities can voluntarily, maybe, help out. Dominion Virginia Power, thank everything, chose to help with their very own efficiency Blogspot: e-conserve.blogspot.com. It updates every two weeks, so get ready.

West Virginia

#49 (-5) — West Virginia’s residential electric rates have risen more than 50 percent in the past five years. FirstEnergy Corp. isn’t helping. The utility wants to sell the Harrison Power Station to a West Virginia subsidiary, and Mountain State customers would fund the purchase through increased electric bills. The state legislature, however, will soon look at House Bill 2803 to encourage greater investment in energy savings and House Bill 2210 to set definite demands for energy demand reduction by state electric utilities. At least that close there’s a lot to gain.

America’s “Sadness Belt”: Appalachian States Worst in U.S. for Health and Happiness

Monday, March 25th, 2013 - posted by Melanie

Gallup and Healthways recently released their annual Well-Being Index for 2012, and Appalachia was found once again to be home to some of the least healthy and happy Americans. The most striking result of last year’s Well-Being Index is that while the happiest states are spread throughout the country, the lowest ranking states are all clustered in Central and Southern Appalachia, and the region’s neighboring states.

The Well-Being Index compiles surveys taken from all over the country all throughout the year and organizes them by state, community and congressional district. Participants are asked to evaluate their lives according to six categories:

- Life Evaluation: how a person’s current life compares with their expectations

- Emotional Health: deals with the respondent’s experiences and feelings on a given day

- Physical Health: encompasses diseases, physical pain, sick days, body-mass index, etc.

- Healthy Behavior: addresses both positive behaviors (e.g., exercise) and negative (e.g., smoking)

- Work Environment: questions for workers on job satisfaction, treatment from superiors, etc.

- Basic Access: includes access to food, housing, healthcare, etc.
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Stop Brushing off the Bad Stuff

Tuesday, March 19th, 2013 - posted by brian

However complex the causes of the ongoing health crisis in Appalachia, denial accomplishes nothing but the perpetuation of the status quo. Yet every time claims that could negatively impact the coal industry surface, Appalachian legislators throw up a black sheet.

West Virginia University professor and public health researcher Dr. Michael Hendryx’s latest article, “Personal and Family Health in Rural Areas of Kentucky With and Without Mountaintop Coal Mining,” appeared in the online Journal of Rural Health a couple of days ago. The study immediately gained the attention of Kentucky media, and supporters of the coal industry have been quick to write off Hendryx’s methods and conclusions — they just haven’t gotten around to reading it yet.

Hendryx has published more than 100 peer-reviewed articles. He’s the director of the West Virginia Rural Health Research Center and after receiving a Ph.D. in psychology, he completed a post-doctoral fellowship in Methodology at the University of Chicago. Little of that seems to matter, however, because much of his research is concentrated on poor health in Appalachian coal-mining communities, especially those where mountaintop removal takes place.

Like other studies Hendryx has conducted, the eastern Kentucky-focused article relies on comparing data gathered in counties with mountaintop removal to data from counties without it. More than 900 residents of Rowan and Elliott counties (no mountaintop removal) and Floyd County (mountaintop removal) were asked similar questions about their family health history and incidents of cancer to those that the U.S. Center for Disease Control uses in gathering data.

After ruling out factors including tobacco use, income, education and obesity, the study found that residents of Floyd County suffer a 54 percent higher rate of death from cancer, and dramatically higher incidences of pulmonary and respiratory diseases over the past five years than residents of Elliott and Rowan counties.

These results should surprise no one, least of all the families in Floyd County that participated in the study. Yet somehow, supporters of the widespread use of mountaintop removal still refuse to consider that blowing up mountains might impact human health.
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